The Physician Shortage Is Really an Access Design Problem
Hatched by Craig Premo
Aug 19, 2026
10 min read
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What if the physician shortage is not primarily a shortage of physicians?
The numbers appear to tell a simple story. More than 12,200 active urologists practice in the United States, yet 62 percent of counties lack access to urologic care. A projected shortage of 950 urologists in 2026 suggests that the gap will grow. In gastroenterology, demand is also outrunning supply as expanded colorectal cancer screening, an aging population, and rising digestive disorders send more patients toward a limited pool of specialists.
But counting doctors is not the same as measuring care. A physician can exist somewhere in the national workforce and still be functionally absent from a patient’s life. The specialist may be too far away, booked months in advance, unwilling to accept a particular practice arrangement, or constrained by a staffing system that uses the physician’s time inefficiently.
The deeper problem is therefore not only supply. It is the design of access: how physicians, hospitals, patients, schedules, incentives, and geography are connected.
That distinction matters because it changes the solution. If the problem is simply too few doctors, leaders will focus on training more doctors. That is necessary, but slow. If the problem is also a poorly designed market for physician time, then better relationships, better incentives, and more flexible deployment can create meaningful capacity long before the national headcount changes.
The hidden difference between a doctor and an available appointment
Healthcare often treats physician supply as a static inventory. A market has a certain number of urologists or gastroenterologists, and planners compare that number with the number of patients who need care. Yet specialist care is not a commodity sitting on a shelf. It is a time sensitive service that depends on location, scheduling, compensation, professional autonomy, operating room access, referral flows, and administrative support.
A urologist in a metropolitan practice does not automatically increase access for a patient in a rural county. A gastroenterologist who technically has appointment slots may still be inaccessible if procedures are concentrated on a few days, referrals are delayed, or the physician’s agreement with a facility makes the schedule too rigid to accommodate demand.
Consider a simple analogy. Imagine a city with 100 taxis, but 60 are parked in neighborhoods with little demand, 20 are available only during hours when most people are at work, and 10 spend much of the day waiting for instructions from a dispatcher. The city does not merely have a taxi shortage. It has a matching and coordination problem.
Specialty medicine is more complex, but the logic is similar. Physician capacity is shaped by the way work is organized. Two hospitals with the same number of specialists can offer radically different access if one has flexible scheduling, rapid referrals, reliable support staff, and compensation that reflects actual market conditions, while the other relies on rigid processes and intermediaries that obscure the value of the physician’s time.
Access is not the number of clinicians in a system. Access is the number of clinically appropriate encounters the system can reliably make possible.
This is why the urology and gastroenterology shortages illuminate the same issue from different angles. Urology reveals the geographic distribution problem. Gastroenterology reveals the demand acceleration problem. Both expose the danger of thinking that a headcount alone tells us whether patients can receive care.
Scarcity changes the meaning of a staffing relationship
When physicians are plentiful, an institution can treat staffing as procurement. It can compare candidates, negotiate standardized terms, and assume that someone will fill an open slot. When specialists are scarce, that approach becomes increasingly fragile.
Scarce professionals are not interchangeable units. They possess preferences about independence, clinical judgment, schedule control, call obligations, procedural mix, and the kinds of institutions where they want to practice. Compensation matters, but it is only one part of the exchange. A physician may reject an offer that pays well if it imposes unpredictable scheduling, excessive administrative demands, or a loss of professional control.
This is especially important for independent specialists. Their independence is not merely a lifestyle preference. It can be an operating asset. A physician who can shape a schedule around procedural demand, maintain relationships across sites, and make decisions without unnecessary layers of approval may be able to contribute capacity more efficiently than one locked into a rigid arrangement.
A direct professional services agreement can matter for precisely this reason. It creates a clearer relationship between the physician and the organization that needs the care. Instead of routing the relationship through a vendor management structure designed primarily to simplify transactions, the institution can negotiate directly around the real work: coverage, procedures, availability, compensation, quality expectations, and operational support.
The point is not that every intermediary is harmful or that every direct agreement is effective. The point is that the structure of the relationship determines what the system is able to see. An intermediary may make a roster look complete while hiding the conditions under which physicians will actually work. A direct relationship can make those conditions explicit.
That transparency is valuable in a shortage because the scarce resource is not simply the physician. It is the physician’s usable time.
The capacity equation most organizations overlook
Healthcare leaders often use a rough equation:
Access equals number of physicians multiplied by hours worked.
That equation is incomplete. A more realistic model is:
Usable capacity equals physician supply multiplied by clinical availability, operational fit, and geographic reach.
Each factor can reduce the final result.
- Physician supply is the number of qualified specialists.
- Clinical availability is the portion of their time allocated to the services patients need.
- Operational fit measures whether scheduling, staffing, equipment, referrals, and compensation allow that time to become actual care.
- Geographic reach measures whether patients can reasonably reach the location where care is offered.
A system can improve access by increasing any of these factors. Training more specialists raises supply, but it may take a decade. Reducing unnecessary administrative work increases clinical availability. Improving scheduling and support increases operational fit. Building relationships with independent physicians who can serve multiple sites can improve geographic reach.
This framework also explains why conventional staffing models can fail even when they successfully fill a position. A filled position is an administrative outcome. A functioning service line is a clinical outcome.
Suppose a hospital recruits a urologist but offers only a fixed clinic schedule that conflicts with the physician’s existing commitments. The role is technically filled, yet referral wait times remain high. Or suppose a facility secures a gastroenterologist for procedures but lacks enough anesthesia coverage and endoscopy room time. The specialist is present, but the system cannot convert that presence into completed procedures. In both cases, the bottleneck is not the physician alone. It is the surrounding design.
This is the central strategic insight: scarcity rewards systems that reduce friction around professional time.
The organization that can make a specialist’s work easier to arrange, more fairly compensated, and more professionally attractive may gain access without owning the entire employment relationship. It may also retain physicians who would otherwise leave for a larger market or a more flexible practice.
Why independence can expand access rather than restrict it
There is a common assumption that independent physicians and institutional access are opposing forces. Independence is sometimes treated as a barrier to coordination, while employment is treated as the natural solution to workforce shortages. That binary is too crude.
Independence can create friction when every physician operates in isolation. But it can create flexibility when institutions build clear, direct agreements around shared goals. An independent gastroenterologist may be able to provide services across more than one site, adjust procedural days as demand changes, or maintain a specialized practice that would become unattractive under a rigid employment structure.
The same logic applies to urology. In a county without a full time urologist, the realistic question may not be whether the county can immediately support a permanent practice. The better question may be whether a regional network can create a dependable pattern of specialty clinics, procedures, telehealth consultations, and referral coordination. A physician who values autonomy may be more willing to participate in that arrangement if it preserves control over how the work is structured.
This does not eliminate the geographic challenge. Patients still need transportation, local facilities still need equipment, and some procedures require sustained on site presence. But flexible physician relationships can make partial coverage viable where an all or nothing staffing model would fail.
Think of it as replacing a single bridge with a network of crossings. A permanent full service practice is one bridge. In some communities, that is the right investment. In others, a combination of scheduled specialty days, shared coverage, remote consultation, and coordinated referrals may provide a more resilient path to access.
The key is reliability. Flexibility is useful only when patients and referring clinicians know when and how care will be available. An informal arrangement that changes constantly is not access. A well designed flexible arrangement has clear schedules, service expectations, escalation pathways, and accountability.
From filling vacancies to engineering access
The practical shift for health system leaders is to stop asking only, “How do we fill this position?” and start asking, “What access problem are we trying to solve?”
Those questions may produce different answers.
If the problem is delayed colorectal cancer screening, the solution may include more endoscopy capacity, better referral triage, expanded procedure days, and agreements that make independent gastroenterologists willing to participate. If the problem is urologic access across multiple rural counties, the solution may involve regional coverage, rotating clinics, remote consultation, transportation partnerships, and a compensation model that recognizes travel and schedule complexity.
A useful diagnostic process has four steps.
First, measure unmet demand, not merely vacancies. Track referral delays, abandoned referrals, procedure backlogs, emergency transfers, travel distance, and the percentage of patients who never reach a specialist. These indicators reveal whether a staffing model is producing care rather than merely producing contracts.
Second, identify the real bottleneck. Is it the number of physicians, or is it room capacity, nursing support, anesthesia, referral processing, credentialing, or scheduling? A hospital may spend months recruiting a specialist when the immediate constraint is an operating room schedule that cannot accommodate the procedures.
Third, design the physician relationship around the service required. Some needs call for employment. Others may be better served by a direct professional services agreement, a regional coverage arrangement, or a blended model. The decision should follow the clinical problem, not a default organizational preference.
Fourth, treat autonomy and flexibility as economic variables. If preserving professional independence expands the number of physicians willing to participate, then autonomy has measurable access value. It is not a soft benefit. It changes the available supply of usable clinical time.
The best staffing strategy is not the one that controls the most physicians. It is the one that makes the most necessary care reliably available.
Key Takeaways
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Measure access as completed care, not headcount. Track wait times, referral leakage, procedure volume, travel burden, and missed care alongside the number of specialists.
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Separate national supply from local availability. A physician can exist in the workforce while remaining inaccessible to a particular county or patient population.
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Find the constraint before recruiting. Confirm whether the bottleneck is physician supply, scheduling, equipment, support staff, referrals, or geography.
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Use the relationship structure as a strategic tool. Direct professional services agreements and other flexible models may attract physicians who would reject rigid employment arrangements.
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Make flexibility dependable. Rotating coverage and independent practice can improve access only when schedules, responsibilities, and quality expectations are explicit.
The physician shortage will not be solved by organizational redesign alone. Training capacity, geographic incentives, reimbursement, immigration policy, and the costs of medical education all matter. But waiting for the national workforce to catch up is not a strategy for patients who need care this year.
The more immediate opportunity is to recover capacity that already exists but is trapped by poor coordination, inflexible contracts, or misaligned incentives. Gastroenterology shows how rapidly demand can overwhelm a specialty even when the clinical need is predictable. Urology shows how a national workforce can coexist with profound local absence.
Together, they suggest a more useful way to think about healthcare scarcity. The question is not simply how many physicians the country has. It is whether the system has built relationships and operating conditions that allow physicians to place their expertise where patients need it, when they need it.
A shortage, in that sense, is not only a failure to produce enough professionals. It is also a failure to convert professional capability into dependable access. The organizations that understand this will stop treating staffing as a transaction and start treating it as infrastructure. That is where the next gains in specialty care are likely to come from: not just adding more people to the system, but designing the system so that more of the people already in it can practice at their full value.
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